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Books Received
Primate-Science / PrimateLit


Primate Encounters: Models of Science, Gender, and Society

PRIMATE ENCOUNTERS--MODELS OF SCIENCE, GENDER AND SOCIETY

Edited by Shirley C. Strum and Linda M. Fedigan

The University of Chicago Press

2000

CONTENTS

Preface xi

SECTION 1 INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY 1

1 Changing Views of Primate Society: A Situated North American Perspective
Shirley C. Strum and Linda M. Fedigan 3

SECTION 2 WHAT DO THE PIONEERS SAY? THE ADVANTAGES OF HINDSIGHT 51

2 A Few Peculiar Primates Thelma Rowell 57

3 The Bad Old Days of Primatology? Alison Jolly 71

4 Piltdown Man, the Father of American Field Primatology Robert W. Sussman 85

5 Some Reflections on Primatology at Cambridge and the Science Studies
Debate Robert A. Hinde 104

6 Primate Ethology and Socioecology in the Netherlands Jan A.R.A.M. van Hooff
116

E-MAIL EXCHANGES: Why study primates? Did our ideas about primate society
change?  How do ideas change? 138

SECTION 3 A DIVERSITY OF PRIMATOLOGIES: OTHER NATIONAL TRADITIONS 145

7 Traditions of the Kyoto School of Field Primatology in Japan 
Hiroyuki Takasaki  151

8 Negotiating Science: Internationalization and Japanese Primatology Pamela
Asquith  165

9 Some Characteristics of Scientific Literature in Brazilian Primatology
Maria Emilia Yamamoto and Anuska Irene Alencar 184

10 An American Primatologist Abroad in Brazil Karen B. Strier 194

E-MAIL EXCHANGES: Why do Westerners accept Japanese data but not theory and
practice? Are there many primatologies or one international science? 208

SECTION 4 ENLARGING THE LENS: CLOSELY RELATED DISCIPLINES 215

11 The Divergent Case of Cultural Anthropology Naomi Quinn 223

12 Standpoint Matters-in Archaeology, for Example Alison Wylie 243

13 Paradigms and Primates: Bateman's Principle, Passive Females, and 
Perspecties from Other Taxa Zuleyma Tang-Martinez 261

14 Culture, Disciplinary Tradition, and the Study of Behavior: Sex, Rats,
and Spotted Hyenas Stephen E. Glickman 275

15 Changing Views on Imitation in Primates Richard W. Byrne 296

E-MAIL EXCHANGES: Did sociobiology make a difference in our ideas about
primate society? Did women studying primates make a difference? 310

SECTION 5 MODELS OF SCIENCE AND SOCIETY 321

16 Primate Suspect: Some Varieties of Science Studies Charis M. 
Thompson Cussins 329

17 A Well-Articulated Primatology: Reflections of a Fellow Traveler 
Bruno Latour 358

18 Women, Gender, and Science: Some Parallels between Primatology and
Developmental Biology Evelyn Fox Keller 382

19 Morphing in the Order: Flexible Strategies, Feminist Science Studies,
and Primate Revisions Donna Haraway 398

20 Life in the Field: The Nature of Popular Culture in 1950s America Gregg
Mitman
421

21 Politics, Gender, and Worldly Primatology:
The Goodall-Fossey Nexus Brian E. Noble 436

E-MAIL EXCHANGES: The fight about science-why does it happen? 
Primatologists and the media-why do primatologists agonize about it? 463

SECTION 6 REFORMULATING THE QUESTIONS 473

22 Science Encounters Shirley C. Strum 475

23 Gender Encounters Linda M. Fedigan 498

SECTION 7 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS 521

24 Future Encounters: The Media and Science; Gender and Science on the
Periphery; The Science Wars; The Value of Primate Studies; The Future of
Primates and Primate Studies; Finale: New Teams Shirley C. Strum and Linda
M. Fedigan 523

References 541
Contributors 619
Index 623  

FROM THE DUST JACKET:

How have our conceptions of primate behavior and society changed since
primatology came into its own after World War 11? What kind of science is
primatology, and what role have women scientists played in its development?
Primate Encounters represents a pioneering attempt to answer these
questions by bringing together two groups who often ask them: scientists
and those who study scientists. The result is a fascinating and provocative
collective reflection on primatology and on science in general, and on the
relations of both to broader cultural, historical, and social issues.

Beginning with a history of ideas about primate society, the book continues
with personal reflections from senior primatologists who have lived that
history. Other chapters reveal the diversity of "primatologies" that exist
outside North America, compare the history of primatology to that of
closely related disciplines such as archaeology and animal behavior, and
examine the roles that gender, media, society, and technology have played
in the development of the field. Closing chapters synthesize the many
issues, controversies, and conclusions that emerged through the
collaborative process of creating this volume and explore the future of
primate encounters.

With contributions by a number of well-known figures in both primatology
and science studies, Primate Encounters demonstrates the exciting
possibilities that arise when scholars from both sides of the "Science
Wars" trade ideas rather than insults. The book also includes a selection
of informal email exchanges that allows readers to experience firsthand
some of the lively discussions generated by such a diverse group of
contributors. 

ABOUT THE EDITORS:

SHIRLEY C. STRUM is professor of anthropology at the University of
California, San Diego. She is author of Almost Human: A Journey into the
World of Baboons and coeditor of The New Physical Anthropology and Natural
Connections: Perspectives in Community-Based Conservation. Strum has
studied olive baboons in Kenya since 1972 and is director of the Uaso Ngiro
Baboon Project.

LINDA MARIE FEDIGAN is professor of anthropology at the University of
Alberta. She is author of Primate Paradigms: Sex Roles and Social Bonds,
published by the University of Chicago Press, and coeditor of The Monkeys
of Arashiyama: Thirty-Five Years of Research in Japan and the West. Fedigan
has studied the Arashiyama West group of Japanese macaques since 1972 and
the white-faced capuchins of Santa Rosa in Costa Rica since 1983.

FROM SECTION 1:  INTRODUTION AND HISTORY

Changing Views of Primate Society: A Situated North American View

Shirley C. Strum and Linda M. Fedigan

Introduction

This chapter has its own history-one that is relevant to its current form.
Primatology is a young science that has come into its own since the 
end of World War II. During this short period, scholars' interpretations of
primate behavior and society have changed considerably. These changes have
generated a great deal of interest among feminists, historians of science,
and the popular media because they have been linked to a provocative claim:
that women scientists played a major role in the revisions. This book
derives from a workshop that was motivated by the interest in this controversy.

Before it was possible to explore who or what might be responsible for
changing our ideas about primates, we needed to ask a more basic question:
Have our ideas changed and, if so, exactly which ideas? At the beginning of
our collaboration, we spent many hours talking about this. Fortunately,
both of us had taught classes on the history of primate studies. To our
surprise (and delight), we agreed on most things. Ideas had changed
significantly, we believed, from the period of the first scientific field
studies to the present; we even agreed on which ideas these were. Both of
our courses segmented the period into the same historical stages emarcating
shifts in interpretations and identified a set of enduring issues that
persisted despite various transformations. Armed with these tools, we began
to compile the history of changing ideas about primate society that is
presented below. We intended it to be a springboard to the more important
question concerning the agents responsible for change.

Presenting an accurate history of ideas about primate society is a daunting
task, particularly for nonhistorians. Our solution was to select and
present a more manageable limited history that concentrates on primate
field studies (ignoring the majority of research that has been done in
captivity), on evolutionary interpretations of behavior and society
(ignoring the immense biomedical literature), and on work done primarily by
American scientists (who of course are only part of the vast primatological
enterprise). Satisfied with our efforts, we wondered whether others would
agree. The answer came quickly as our condensed history became part of the
position paper for the Wenner-Gren workshop on "Changing Images of Primate
Society: The Role of Theory, Method, and Gender (and Culture)."  Among the
participants were primatologists, ethologists, and behavioral ecologists of
different generations and from a variety of national traditions. What we
had imagined as a logical set of restrictions for our history aroused
strong reactions in others. The reasons became clear only at the end of the
week-long workshop. Rather than having touched on some universal truth
about the history of ideas, our consensus was more likely a product of
cultural, institutional, and disciplinary factors- in short, a similarity
in our graduate training. As we discovered, and as this book will
demonstrate, there have been and will continue to be many "primatologies"
(see chapters 2-10), each the product of specific institutions,
disciplinary training, mentors, and historical and sociocultural settings.

The history presented below is therefore comprehensible only if we
"situate" ourselves in time and space. We are both part of the same age
cohort from a lineage that can be called "North American anthropological
primatology descended from Sherwood Washburn." This tradition grew out of
the New Physical Anthropology (Strum, Lindburg, and Hamburg 1999) initiated
by Sherwood Washburn in the 1950s. Washburn rekindled an interest in
primate field studies as part of making better reconstructions of primate
and human evolution. Locating ourselves this way changes the question from
whether we are right or wrong in our portrayal of ideas to a more
interesting set of inquiries: How, when, and why does this lineage and its
view of knowledge interact, intersect, displace, and join the other
primatologies, both historically and in the present? We no longer naively
expect others to agree with our version of history; instead, we are
interested in the disagreements. This expansion of perspectives also
affects preexisting notions about who might have a different history of
primatology. In fact, the deeper we delved during the workshop, the more
differences we found, until it became problematic to use general categories
like "American" or "European" or "Japanese." Rather than feel defeated by
this realization, we see the move into the local situated sites of
primatology as a first step in rebuilding a more robust understanding of
what happened and is happening. This makes our potted history itself a
historical document and a contribution to the newly initiated discussion
about the diversity of primatologies. As such, it becomes a useful point on
the increasingly complex map of our ideas about primate society.


CONTRIBUTORS:

Anuska Irene Alencar
Departamento de Psicologia
Universidade Potiguar
Natal, RN
Brazil

Pamela Asquith
Department of Anthropology
University of Alberta
Edmonton, Alberta
Canada TOG 2H4

Richard Byrne
Department of Psychology
University of St. Andrews
St. Andrews, Fife
Scotland KY16 9JU

Charis Thompson Cussins
Department of Sociology and Women's Studies Program
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champagne
Urbana, Illinois
USA 61801

Linda Marie Fedigan
Department of Anthropology
University of Alberta
Edmonton, Alberta
Canada T6G 2H4

Stephen Glickman
Department of Psychology
University of California
Berkeley, California
USA 94720

Donna Haraway
History of Consciousness Department
University of California
Santa Cruz, California
USA 95064

Robert A. Hinde
Sub-Department of Animal Behaviour
Madingley and St. John's College
Cambridge
England CB2 lTP

Alison Jolly
Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology
Princeton University
Princeton, New Jersey
USA 08544

Evelyn Fox Keller
Program in Science, Technology, and Society
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Cambridge, Massachusetts
USA 02139

Bruno Latour
Centre de Sociologie de L'lnnovation
Ecole des Mines
Paris
France

Gregg Mitman
Department of History of Science
University of Oklahoma
Norman, Oklahoma
USA 70319

Brian Noble
Department of Anthropology and Sociology/Museum of Anthropology
University of British Columbia
Vancouver, British Columbia
Canada

Naomi Quinn
Department of Cultural Anthropology
Duke University Box 90091
Durham, North Carolina
USA 27708-0091

Thelma Rowell
Department of Integrative Biology
University of California at Berkeley
Berkeley, California
USA 94720

Karen Strier
Department of Anthropology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Madison, Wisconsin
USA 53706

Shirley C. Strum
Department of Anthropology
University of California, San Diego
La Jolla, California
USA 92093-0532

Robert Sussman
Department of Anthropology
Washington University
St. Louis, Missouri
USA 63130

Hiroyuki Takasaki
Laboratory of Anthropology
Okayama University of Science
Okayama 700-0005
Japan

Zuleyma Tang-Martinez
Department of Biology
University of Missouri-St. Louis
St. Louis, Missouri
USA 63121

Jan A.R.A.M. van Hooff
Universiteit Utrecht
Utrecht
Pb 80-086, 3508 TB
The Netherlands

Alison Wylie
Department of Philosophy
Washington University
St. Louis, Missouri
USA

Maria Emilia Yamamoto
Departamento de Psicologia
Universidade Potiguar
Natal, RN
Brazil

WHERE TO ORDER:

University of Chicago Press
11030 S. Langley Avenue
Chicago, IL 60628

1-800-621-2736 (Toll Free)
1-800-621-8476 (Toll Free Fax)

ISBN:  0-226-77754-5 (Cloth)
Price: $35

Emali: kh@press.uchicago.edu
http://www.press.uchicago.edu


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